Happy Chinese New Year 2014(2565)
THE YEAR OF HORSE
President’s Message 會長的話
My China's Dream
History teaches us that the best reform for a nation, is through peaceful transformation. It avoids violent confronation and civil wars among its citizens. This has been happening in all the advanced
Western countries last 100 years or more. That is why they are ahead of China and those so-called developed and under developed countries which spent more time fighting and killing one another among
their own citizens insteads of developing their countries.
I believe China under the current leadership can lead China to a better future despite all the imperfection China's system still has. Over 113 years of the founding of Commonwealth of Australia, the
"White Australia policy" was only abolished 35 years ago. China only opens up to new ideas 35 years ago and Communist ruling party has transformed and modernise itself and China. It still has to open
up to more check and balance and democratic governance including open, transparent rule of laws. It should allow all members of parliament to have their equal say whether they belong to Communist
Party or other democratic parties' representatives as they are all equal Chinese citizens and nation's representatives. Selection of these representatives should be based on talent. merit and good
China has hopes for all, not just for Chinese citizens but for all overseas Chinese and other global citizens. Its development and achievement last 35 years and more to achieve in the coming years,
will help to secure peaceful development for China and the rest of the world. We all will benefit from the peaceful transformation of China. My advice to those who promote the overthrown of Chinese
Communist Party Government in China and outside China, should direct their energy to help China's peaceful transformation instead.
That is my "China's dream" for this century.
Dr. Ka Sing Chua
487 Mitcham Rd Mitcham 3132 Victoria, Australia
Tel: 03-98735050 Fax: 03-98743618
历史教导我们一个国家的改革最好是通过和平改革，这就避免了公民之间的武力冲突和内战。在最近的一百多年来，在所有西方 先进文明的国家都出现过这样的情况。这是他们先进于中国和那些所谓的发展中国家. 而那些所谓的发展中国家花费许多时间打仗和相互残杀，而不是致力于发展他们的国家的原因，
中国有希望，不仅是中国公民的希望，也是所有海外华人以及世界人民的希望。在过去35年里中国的发展和成就以及在今后岁 月里更大的成就将确保中国和世界其它地区的和平发展。我们均会受益于中国的和平发展和改革。我劝告那些在中国国内外致力于推翻中国共产党的人士应当把他们 的精力用于帮助中国的和平改革.
From the Editor
The dispute of Senkaku or Diaoyui islands' ownership between China and Japan is concerning many people in Asia and around the world. On one hand Japan claims that she has the sovereignty over them
because they have been under her legal administration since the end of World war 2. While China claims that they belongs to China from the historical perspective. Japan under the Peace Treaty at the
end of World War 2, supposed to return the ownership of these islands back to China. But for some unforeseen circumstances, with the eruption of China civil war, China failed to claim them back
formally from Japan.
Who actually owns this island is the burning issue.
We hope that it will be resolved one way or the other through peaceful negotiation. Failing that, we suggest that the case be decided in the International Court and tribunal. It is better that way
than trying to fight it out militarily. It is not worth having the war to determine the ownership of these islands. As the destruction will be far worse than the benefit for either side. Moreover if
a war is declared , its implication will be unmeasurable in term of its influence with the development of China and Japan. Its disastrous effect will not only affect China and Japan but will extend
to all Asia countries and the world like Europe and US etc. No one is an island anymore. The war will bring enormous economic disaster, humanity hardship and suffering for many many people, not
confined to the Chinese and Japanese.
Cover design for this issue was done by our webmaster James Yin. Thank you James.
Let us hope that the leadership of China and Japan are wiser than that.
we are looking for a bilangual Editor and Assistant Editor to assist us in compiling our regular Emagazine etc. It is voluntary contribution without monetary remuneration. If you are interested,
please contact Dr Ka Sing Chua at email@example.com or firstname.lastname@example.org
I would like to take this opportunity to again thank my special assistant Dr Yit Seng Yow for patiently help to compile our Emagazine and many other voluntary contributors. Without them, we would not
have our regular Emagazine for you to enjoy.
如果国与国之间有什么争端不能解决，完全可以提交给国际法庭来和平解决。“法治”胜过“武治”，这应该是每一个有远见的 领导人都知道的道理。我们已经看到，在法治不健全的国家，企图用武力来统治的政权最终都引火自焚。叙利亚就是崇尚“武治”，把一个好好的国家弄得四分五 裂。
This edition of the Huaren magazine is by far the best of any production I have seen globally.
Obviously, the standard of the magazine, as judged by the caliber of the authors and the content, is sophisticated and intellectual, has jumped leaps and bounds.
Please accept my personal congratulations to a publication, now in the leading edge of the Chinese Diaspora. Keep the standard up and keep it coming.
Congratulations, once again and well done.
Dr Anthony Pun,
Cbinese Community Council of Australia.l
Grievance Debate - Chinese Acknowledgement
Chris Hayes MP – Adjournment – Multiculturalism 25 June 2013
The World’s Wartime Debt to China
By RANA MITTER
Published: October 17, 2013
OXFORD, England At the same time that China has stated its desire for peace in Asia, the country has been making assertive claims over waters in the East and South
China Seas. The confrontational rhetoric suggests, to many observers (and to China’s uneasy neighbors in the Pacific region), a sense of pent-up entitlement, stemming from Beijing’s growing
importance in the world.
But another, little-remembered factor is also at play: China’s lingering resentment that its contributions to the Allies’ victory against Japan in World War II were never fully recognized and have
yet to translate into political capital in the region.
China’s resistance to Japan is one of the great untold stories of World War II. Though China was the first Allied power to fight the Axis, it has received far less credit for its role
in the Pacific theater than the United States, Britain or even the Soviet Union, which only joined the war in Asia in August 1945. The Chinese contribution was
pushed aside soon after the conflict, as an inconvenient story in the neat ideological narrative of the Cold War.
In the early 20th century China’s growing desire for national sovereignty rubbed up against Japan’s rising imperialism on the Asian mainland. War broke out in earnest in July 1937, and during the
eight years that it lasted, both the Nationalist forces of Chiang Kai-shek and, to a lesser extent, the Communist fighters answering to Mao Zedong engaged in extraordinary feats of resistance.
Though far weaker and poorer than the mighty United States or the British Empire, China played a major role in the war. Some 40,000 Chinese soldiers fought in Burma alongside American and British
troops in 1944, helping to secure the Stilwell Road linking Lashio to Assam in India. In China itself, they held down some 800,000 Japanese soldiers.
The costs were great. At least 14 million Chinese were killed and some 80 million became refugees over the course of the war. The atrocities were many: the Rape of Nanking, in 1937, is the most
notorious, but there were other, equally searing but less well-known, massacres: the bloody capture in 1938 of Xuzhou in the east, which threatened Chiang’s ability to control central China; the 1939
carpet bombing of Chongqing, the temporary capital, which killed more than 4,000 people in two days of air raids that a survivor described as “a sea of fire”; and the “three alls” campaign (“Burn
all, loot all, kill all”) of 1941, which devastated the Communist-held areas in the north.
These strains placed immense pressure on what by then was a weak and isolated country. But some of the Chiang government’s policies made matters worse. A decision to seize the peasants’ grain to feed
the army exacerbated the 1942 famine in Henan Province. “You could exchange a child for a few steamed rolls,” one government inspector recalled in his memoir. Such missteps made the Nationalist
(Kuomintang) government seem corrupt and inefficient, and an embarrassing ally for the United States even though the Nationalists did the vast majority of the fighting against Japan, far more than
When the Allies won in 1945, China’s contribution to the victory was rewarded with a permanent seat on the Security Council of the new United Nations, but little more. After a civil war, the Chiang
regime fell to the Communists in 1949, and Mao had little reason to recognize its contributions to the defeat of Japan. China’s wartime allies also did little to remind their own people of its role
in their victory: The Nationalist regime which fled to exile in Taiwan was an embarrassing relic, and the new Communist regime was a frightening unknown. For the West, China had gone from
wartime ally to threatening Communist giant in just a few years.
One major consequence that remains of great relevance today is that the old enemies of Asia never struck a multilateral settlement of the sort that took place in
the North Atlantic after 1945, with the formation of NATO and what has become the European Union. The United States’ decision to put China on the sidelines of the postwar world order it dominated
has meant that China and Japan never signed a proper peace treaty. And it has meant that for many years Western historians treated China’s role in World War II as a sideshow.
But recently a new political openness within China itself has allowed a different picture of the war years to emerge. Chiang and Mao are long dead, and the Chinese government has been trying to claim
a greater international role by reminding the world of the benefits of its past cooperation with the West.
Eager to eventually reunify the mainland with Taiwan, Beijing has also adopted a more favorable attitude toward Chiang’s legacy. Chinese filmmakers and academics now have license to talk more freely
about the Nationalists’ wartime contribution, whether in television dramas or scholarly articles. A lengthy and sympathetic biography of Chiang by Yang Tianshi, a historian at the Chinese Academy of
Social Sciences, has been a big seller on the mainland. Chiang’s old wartime villa outside Chongqing has even been restored as a shrine of sorts, with pictures and captions describing him as a
patriot who stood firm against the Japanese a rehabilitation of Chiang’s reputation that would have been unimaginable under Mao.
This revision of history has significant consequences for East Asia and Southeast Asia today. If America’s leadership in defeating Japan in 1945 continues to
justify a U.S. presence around the Pacific today, Chinese leaders feel, why shouldn’t China’s contribution to the same goal earn it some clout in the region?
Beijing is trying to cash in today a geopolitical check Chiang Kai-shek wrote nearly seven decades ago.
Rana Mitter, professor of the history and politics of modern China at Oxford University, is the author of “Forgotten Ally: China’s World War II.”
INTERNATIONAL NEW YORK TIMES
E-Magazine September 2013
E-Magazine January - May 2013
E-Magazine September 2012
E-Magazine May 2012
- 一个社会/国家/世界应由一系列文明法治所支配，由为人民而建立，并由人民建立的属于人民的适当的执法机构 ，而不是为具体的统治集团或独裁者或为满足他们的思想、宗教统治、权力和贪婪而建立。
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