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President's Message

Season's Greetings to all our readers and supporters.

The world is but one nation and its citizens one people.

I am very pleased with the outcome of Paris COP21 Climate Conference. Almost all nations around the planet are represented one way or another. Many nations' top leadership attended the Conference. It is so important to have such dialogue in order to save our planet that we share and live in. Pollution of the planet of one kind or another including wars, affect everyone of us no matter where you live.

It is through genuine dialogue like this in future that we are going to save the planet, our world and our people.

Australia and many other nations have very successful multicultural, multiracial, multi-religious national policies that allow peoples of different cultures, ethnic and racial origins, religions etc to live in genuine harmony. All these need to be implemented properly and secured and protected by civilised laws.

It will never be achieved if human beings try to solve the differences through the use of force and see who can kill the other first to gain the upper hand.

United Nations and leadership of the world should really look at the root causes of all the conflicts around the world at present and try to solve them through face to face dialogue and the rule of law.

Who do not wish to live their lives among families, friends and fellow citizens in happiness, peace and harmony?

It is not the problem of money. It is the mindset that counts. It is the civilised education, behaviour and adhere to rule of laws that count. It is also mutual respect of differences and sit down and discuss them that will eventually give everyone a solution for living in happiness, peace and harmony.

I hope these are food for thought for Christmas and New Year 2016

May I take this opportunity to thank all our volunteers for their contributions and support throughout the year.

May I wish you all a very Merry Christmas and a safe, peaceful and harmonious New Year 2016.

Dr Ka Sing Chua


From: john.lee@minister.com
To: info@barackobama.com
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Subject: Re: Why China rejects Philippine, Japanese, US claims on South China Sea issue
Date: Tue, 23 Feb 2016 18:37:45 +0800

Dear President Obama,

Would you like to comment, please?

John Lee
New Cross-strait Alliance.

Facts & news not widely reported by Western & other English language media : Why China rejects Philippine, Japanese, US claims on South China Sea issue
Date: Tue, 23 Feb 2016 20:05:43 +1100

Chinese Foreign Minister's address at the ASEAN Regional Forum which is available to all the media but somehow not reported in western media ... Certainly not, as I‘m aware, in any of the Australian press.

<http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/935974.sht> http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/935974.sht

Why China rejects Philippine, Japanese, US claims on South China Sea issue

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi made clear China's stance on the South China Sea issue on Thursday, rejecting the claims of the Philippines, Japan and United States.
Speaking at the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), Wang said China felt imperative to speak the truth and make clear its stance as the South China Sea issue was raised by some countries at the ARF and the East Asia Summit Foreign Ministers' Meeting earlier.
"First of all, the general situation in the South China Sea is stable, and the possibility of a major conflict simply doesn't exist," he said. "Therefore, China is against any unconstructive words and deeds that exaggerate differences and stand-off, and create tensions. They do not comply with facts at all."

China has the same concern as other countries over freedom of navigation in the South China Sea, as most of China's merchandise is transported by the Sea, the Chinese minister said, noting that freedom of navigation there is very important to China, too.
Wang said, "China has always held the stance that parties enjoy freedom of navigation and flyover in the South China Sea according to international laws. China is willing to work with other parties in keeping freedom of navigation and flyover in the South China Sea."
With regard to the disputes over the Nansha Islands, Wang pointed out, "It is an old problem."
Islands in the South China Sea are China's territories as China is the first country to discover and name the islands, he emphasized.

The Chinese minister said this year marks the 70th anniversary of the victory of World War II, and 70 years ago China took back Nansha and Xisha Islands, which had been illegally occupied by Japan.

Highlighting that the Cairo Declaration and the Potsdam Proclamation, on which the post-war international order is founded, demanded Japan return the territories it had stolen from China, Wang said.

"The naval ships that were used by China to take back the islands were provided by the United States, our ally," he said, adding, "These facts must have been recorded in your respective archives.""Till the 1970s, some countries began to invade and occupy islands and reefs following reports on oil reserves in the South China Sea, infringing the legal rights and interests of China. According to international laws, China is entitled to defend its own sovereignty, and rights and interests, and to make sure that the illegal actions infringing China's legal rights and interests wouldn't happen again."

Wang said the Philippines had failed to tell the truth when raising the South China Sea issue.

He said the Philippines alleges that Huangyan Island and other related islands and reefs in the South China Sea belong to the Philippines; however, the Treaty of Paris (1898), the Treaty of Washington (1900) and the Convention between the United States and Great Britain (1930) state clearly that the west limit of the Philippine territory is 118 degrees east longitude, while Huangyan Island and Nansha Islands are obviously not Philippine territories as they are located completely west to the 118 degrees east longitude.

After independence, the Philippines' domestic laws and relevant treaties have all reaffirmed the legal effects of the above- mentioned three treaties and once again expressively defined that the west limit of the Philippine territory is 118 degrees east longitude, Wang said.
"But after 1970, the Philippines illegally occupied eight islands and reefs in China's Nansha Islands through four military operations. That's how the territorial disputes arose between China and the Philippines," Wang said.

In the Ren'ai Reef, which is a constituent part of China's Nansha Islands, the Philippines illegally ran an old warship aground in May 1999 at that feature on the pretext of "technical difficulties." China has made repeated representations to the Philippines, demanding that the latter immediately tow away the vessel. The Philippines, for its part, had on numerous occasions made explicit undertaking to China to tow away the vessel grounded due to "lack of parts."

Afterwards, the Philippines told China that it would not become the first country that breaches the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (DOC).

However, Wang said, more than 15 years have passed and the ship has become rusted, the Philippines, instead of fulfilling its promise, has openly declared that it had sneaked concrete and other building materials into the ship for consolidation.

On March 14, 2014, the Philippine foreign ministry claimed in a statement that the purpose of grounding the warship was to occupy the Ren'ai Reef. The Philippines thus exposed the 15-year lie it has invented and broke its promise. It's simply short of international credibility, Wang said.

Wang also retorted the claims of the Japanese representatives that all artificial islands and reefs in the South China Sea do not produce legal rights for the owner.

"But let's see what Japan has done. In recent years, Japan has spent some 10 billion yen (about 80 million US dollars) on the tiny atoll of Okinotori, building it into a de facto island with cement and steel, and then claimed a right to a continental shelf extending beyond its 200-nautical mile coast boundaries as exclusive economic zone at the United Nations.

"However, most UN members considered Japan's claim inconceivable and chose to decline the proposal.

"Therefore, Japan should review its own words and deeds before criticizing others. Unlike Japan, China has claimed its right to the South China Sea a long time ago, which does not require enhancement through land reclamation."

Wang stressed that China is a de facto victim of the South China Sea issue.

"To maintain peace and stability in the South China Sea, we have exercised great restraint."

China's basic stand is resolving relevant disputes through negotiation and consultation on the basis of respect for historical facts and international laws, including the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.

"This stand will never change," he said.

After friendly negotiations, Wang said, China and ASEAN countries have formulated a set of mechanisms to properly handle the South China Sea issue.

One is "dual-track" approach, which indicates that relevant disputes should be addressed by countries directly concerned through friendly consultation and negotiation. This is also the stipulation of Article 4 of the DOC, to which both China and ASEAN members have made commitments. Both China and ASEAN countries have agreed to make joint efforts to maintain peace and stability in the South China Sea.

"I want to tell you that China and ASEAN are fully capable of maintaining peace in these waters," Wang said.

The second is about implementation of the DOC and consultation on formulating the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea (COC).
Wang said so far, the DOC has been carried out smoothly, while some progress has been made in the consultation on formulating the COC.

"Since the launch of the consultation less than two years ago, we have passed two consensus documents and the consultation has entered the new phase of discussing 'crucial and complex issues'. We also have agreed to launch two hotline platforms between China and ASEAN countries, which will soon be put into operation."

Thirdly, China has offered to discuss and formulate preventive measures for maritime risk control to provide a new platform for the discussion of proposals and ideas raised by relevant parties. "It can be put into practice once a consensus if reached," Wang said.

On the so-called "three halts" proposal put forward by the United States recently, Wang said it is short of feasibility.

"For example, what is the content of the halts? Proposals of different parties are inconsistent. What are the criteria of the halts? Who will set the standards? These problems actually cannot be solved."

China still welcomes constructive comments on the maintenance of peace and stability in the South China Sea; however, relevant proposals should be feasible and double standards are not allowed in particular," he added.

"As to the land reclamation in the South China Sea which some countries are concerned about, it is neither something that happened recently nor initiated by China. In other words, 'the status quo' of the South China Sea has been changing over the years," Wang said.

China began construction projects on some manned islets of the Nansha islands, he said, emphasizing that they are aimed at improving working and living conditions on those islets with strict environmental standards.

The Chinese minister informed his fellow counterparts that by the end of June, China has completed the land reclamation. The next step is to build facilities primarily used for public purposes, including lighthouse, maritime emergency rescue, weather station, marine scientific research as well as medical and first- aid buildings.

"Once the construction is completed, China is willing to open these facilities to countries in the region. As the largest coastal country in the South China Sea, China has the ability and obligation to provide these maritime public goods to countries in the region," Wang said.

He pointed out that an arbitration request over the South China Sea issue was mentioned by the Philippines at the East Asia and ARF foreign ministers' meetings in an attempt to smear China.

"I would like to respond with facts. First, to settle disputes through direct negotiations between relevant parties is the way advocated by the Charter of the United Nations and a common international practice," Wang said. "More importantly, it is also clearly stated in the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (DOC). To this end, China has proposed bilateral talks with the Philippines and this proposal is still valid. But until today, the Philippine side still refuses our proposal."

As to the proceeding of starting international arbitration, Wang said the normal practice is that a consensus should be reached first by the countries concerned.

"However, neither did the Philippines inform China in advance, nor it sought China's consent. The Philippines just unilaterally and forcefully initiated the arbitration," he said. "The Chinese side cannot understand this act, and could only think that there were ulterior motives behind this."

The Chinese minister contended that Manila should know that China has already issued a statement in 2006 that it does not accept the arbitration under the provisions of section 298 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, which is China's legitimate right under the law.

While knowing that it is impossible for China to accept any result of arbitration, the Philippines still insisted on pushing forward the so-called arbitration in violation of the DOC and the agreement with China to settle the issue bilaterally.
"There is only one possible explanation to this, that is it intends to confront China," he said. "The Philippine people should know the truth, and the country's future should not be hijacked by a minority of people."

However, the Chinese minister stressed that the door is still open for dialogue. "I believe as long as the two sides sit down and talk seriously, there will always be a solution to the problem, " he said.

From the Editor

The dispute of Senkaku or Diaoyui islands' ownership between China and Japan is concerning many people in Asia and around the world. On one hand Japan claims that she has the sovereignty over them because they have been under her legal administration since the end of World war 2. While China claims that they belongs to China from the historical perspective. Japan under the Peace Treaty at the end of World War 2, supposed to return the ownership of these islands back to China. But for some unforeseen circumstances, with the eruption of China civil war, China failed to claim them back formally from Japan.

Who actually owns this island is the burning issue.

We hope that it will be resolved one way or the other through peaceful negotiation. Failing that, we suggest that the case be decided in the International Court and tribunal. It is better that way than trying to fight it out militarily. It is not worth having the war to determine the ownership of these islands. As the destruction will be far worse than the benefit for either side. Moreover if a war is declared , its implication will be unmeasurable in term of its influence with the development of China and Japan. Its disastrous effect will not only affect China and Japan but will extend to all Asia countries and the world like Europe and US etc. No one is an island anymore. The war will bring enormous economic disaster, humanity hardship and suffering for many many people, not confined to the Chinese and Japanese.

Cover design for this issue was done by our webmaster James Yin. Thank you James.

Let us hope that the leadership of China and Japan are wiser than that.

we are looking for a bilangual Editor and Assistant Editor to assist us in compiling our regular Emagazine etc. It is voluntary contribution without monetary remuneration. If you are interested, please contact Dr Ka Sing Chua at contact@huaren.org or kchua@huaren.org

I would like to take this opportunity to again thank my special assistant Dr Yit Seng Yow for patiently help to compile our Emagazine and many other voluntary contributors. Without them, we would not have our regular Emagazine for you to enjoy.

The Abe administration’s arrogance of power moment


On the cusp of the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II when Emperor Hirohito made his historic speech of surrender, the Abe government is attempting to drive through the Diet 11 security bills that will forever alter the landscape of Japan’s postwar history. The nation that does not wage war will be no more if it gets its way.
Guided in its efforts is a military-industrial complex that is salivating to get Japan to share the burden of fighting with its closest ally, the United States. Japan has recently expressed interest in joining the North Atlantic Treaty Organization missile-building consortium, a move in seamless alliance with this New Normal for Japan, a normal that we believe threatens global security.
As scholars from Japan and the U.S., we oppose the new security bills and call on anyone who is unfamiliar with what’s happening to get informed. What we have here is legislation without representation; at its worst, tyranny.
In clear violation of Article 9 of the Constitution, which famously renounces war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes, these bills would provide for Japan’s Self-Defense Forces to cooperate actively with U.S. and other foreign military operations overseas. If adopted, Japan will be able to use military force even when it is not attacked, under the name of collective self-defense. Let us not mince words: this spells the end of Article 9 without ever formally amending it according to due process of law.
We cannot believe any assurances from a prime minister who thinks nothing of the constitutional ban and popular opposition that these security bills will strictly limit Japan’s military role. This legislation opens the door to virtually unfettered government discretion over the use of force that violates Japan’s fundamental principle over six decades of an exclusively self-defense posture.
The Japanese people, having been the only population to suffer atomic bombs, are overwhelmingly in support of maintaining peaceful relations with the world. They wish to protect the sanctity and heritage of Article 9. A nation that renounces war is part of Japan’s peace national brand, and has allowed Japan to develop as a world class economic and culture power with a strong mandate for humanitarian assistance, disaster relief and development aid.
Should these security bills get passed, Japan will no longer be able to advocate for a peace and nonviolence paradigm in national security. Our view is that Japan’s peace Constitution should not be altered but should continue to serve as a model for other countries. It should certainly not be “reinterpreted” arbitrarily by the government of the day.
Article 23 of the Constitution guarantees academic freedom, and it is within this guarantee that we, as public scholars in Japan and signatories to the Association of Scholars Opposed to the Security-related Bills, are speaking out. One of us is an Abe fellow at Keio University and former Fulbright scholar at Sophia University; the other is a political scientist at Sophia University who received the Friend of the Free Press award this spring from the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Japan.
We stand with the growing political protests from scholars, students, lawyers, workers and mothers that are coalescing against a government displaying total disregard for democratic speech and assembly. Japan is the closest Asian ally to the U.S. and we take this binational alliance of democracies literally and to heart. We oppose this government fait accompli that refuses to listen to citizen debate, discussion, or dialogue. We call on the Abe government to observe the democratic and constitutional due process before it does irreparable damage to the national character of postwar Japan.
The Abe government has shown no concern for the Japanese people. It is attempting to circumvent the Constitution by ramming the security bills through the Diet without the constitutionally mandated process for a constitutional revision (Article 96) requiring a two-third majority of both houses of parliament and a majority support from the people in a special referendum.
We write, backed as we are from thousands of scholars and millions of Japanese who share our opposition, to object to the security bills in principle and process. Our objections are marinated with affection, concern and care for Japan and the Japanese people.
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s administration cannot claim to have a popular mandate for imposing these changes, even if we leave aside the unconstitutionality of the bills. It has a large majority in both houses only because of record-high voting abstention rates, a divided opposition, a muzzled media, the bias of the first-past-the-post system, and the enormous disparity of the value of the vote that has been repeatedly ruled to be in a state of unconstitutionality by the courts.
In reality, only one in four voters actively voted for Abe’s Liberal Democratic Party. The prime minister has, nevertheless, said that within 20 to 30 years he will be vindicated; thus, public opinion, which he seems to view with disdain, is dismissed. We believe that the Japanese people deserve more credit and respect than what they are being shown by their government.
These security bills stand against Japan’s well-deserved human security reputation in the world. Human security puts people’s needs and rights first, and views security within the prism of a multidisciplinary understanding of the world that involves development studies, education, science and technology for good, and peaceful international relations.
The United Nation’s Human Development Report of 1994 argues that global human security is about promoting “freedom from want” and “freedom from fear” for all people. With Japan’s growing poverty indices, aging population and record-breaking national debt, these security bills, if passed, will likely lead to greater insecurity just at the time when Japan itself is seeking to become a bigger player again on the world stage. Before Abe flexes his military muscles, indulges himself in historical revisionism and preaches to China about the rule of law, he should observe the principle of rule of law at home.
By turning a blind eye on Abe’s arrogance of power moment, the U.S. risks not only aggravating the regional tension and rivalry in Asia-Pacific, but also antagonizing the Japanese public, who came to embrace the postwar values of constitutionalism, democracy and peace.
Koichi Nakano is a professor of political science at Sophia University. Nancy Snow is an Abe fellow and a visiting professor at Keio University.

China warns Japan against ‘crippling regional peace’ after passage of security bills

AFP-JIJI, JIJI - JUL 17, 2015

BEIJING/SEOUL – China on Thursday urged Tokyo to avoid “crippling regional peace and security” after the Lower House passed bills that could see Japanese troops fight abroad for the first time since World War II.
“It is fully justified to ask if Japan is going to give up its exclusively defence-oriented policy,” China’s foreign ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said in a statement.
“We solemnly urge the Japanese side to … refrain from jeopardising China’s sovereignty and security interests or crippling regional peace and stability,” Hua said in the statement posted on the ministry’s website.
Hua described the passing of the bills as “an unprecedented move since the Second World War.
Japanese forces launched a full-scale invasion of China in 1937 and the wartime history between the Asian powers still heavily colors their relations today.
Beijing — which is also embroiled in a territorial row with Tokyo over disputed islands in the East China Sea — regularly accuses the government of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe of showing insufficient contrition for the conflict.
Hua referred to the 70th anniversary of Japan’s defeat in its conflict with China, which Beijing calls “the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression.”
“We solemnly urge the Japanese side to draw hard lessons from history,” she added.
The vote on Japan’s military marks a victory for Abe and other nationalists, who have ignored popular anger in a bid to break what they see as the shackles of the U.S.-imposed Constitution.
China’s official Xinhua news agency condemned the move, saying it meant “a nightmare scenario has come a step closer for Japanese people and neighbouring nations.
If passed, the bill will “tarnish the reputation of a nation that has earned international respect for its pacifist Constitution over a period of nearly seven decades,” it said.
Meanwhile, South Korea also reacted to the passage of the bills — although in a muted manner.
A South Korean Foreign Ministry spokesman on Thursday called on Japan to stick to its Constitution.
Japan should conduct discussions on its defense policy while adhering to the spirit of the pacifist Constitution, and in a way to contribute to regional peace and stability and in a transparent fashion, the spokesman said at a press conference.
The spokesman reiterated Seoul’s stance that actions that could affect security conditions on the Korean Peninsula and the national interests of South Korea should not be taken without consent from the country.
But the spokesman stopped short of directly making a comment criticizing the Lower House approval of the security bills or showing concerns over the development.
South Korea hopes to continue close consultations with Japan while keeping a close watch on upcoming deliberations on the bills at the Upper House.

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Dear Kasing,
This edition of the Huaren magazine is by far the best of any production I have seen globally.
Obviously, the standard of the magazine, as judged by the caliber of the authors and the content, is sophisticated and intellectual, has jumped leaps and bounds.
Please accept my personal congratulations to a publication, now in the leading edge of the Chinese Diaspora. Keep the standard up and keep it coming.
Congratulations, once again and well done.

Dr Anthony Pun,
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