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President’s Message 會長的話

Modern Japan and her people should know their responsibility.



The dispute between Japan and China must be decided by historical fact. The West led by USA should also consider the historical fact in front of them before they support current Japanese Government's claim blindly based on ideology. China and the world have changed for the better. There is no good reason to encourage another regional or world war between China and USA or Japan based on idealogy. We must learn from history, the Korean War, the IndoChina War etc.

Please read the historical facts below from email sent by John Lee.

Best regards

Dr. Ka Sing Chua
President
World Huaren Federation
www.huaren.org


Dear Prime Minister Abe,

You will need a translator for you to understand the unconditional surrender by the Japanese government in 1945.

John Lee

President

New Cross-strait Alliance.

Japs surrender its entirety. Chinese people should turn right!

2013-12-07 concerns please click - Red House Mall

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My China's Dream


History teaches us that the best reform for a nation, is through peaceful transformation. It avoids violent confronation and civil wars among its citizens. This has been happening in all the advanced Western countries last 100 years or more. That is why they are ahead of China and those so-called developed and under developed countries which spent more time fighting and killing one another among their own citizens insteads of developing their countries.

I believe China under the current leadership can lead China to a better future despite all the imperfection China's system still has. Over 113 years of the founding of Commonwealth of Australia, the "White Australia policy" was only abolished 35 years ago. China only opens up to new ideas 35 years ago and Communist ruling party has transformed and modernise itself and China. It still has to open up to more check and balance and democratic governance including open, transparent rule of laws. It should allow all members of parliament to have their equal say whether they belong to Communist Party or other democratic parties' representatives as they are all equal Chinese citizens and nation's representatives. Selection of these representatives should be based on talent. merit and good character.

China has hopes for all, not just for Chinese citizens but for all overseas Chinese and other global citizens. Its development and achievement last 35 years and more to achieve in the coming years, will help to secure peaceful development for China and the rest of the world. We all will benefit from the peaceful transformation of China. My advice to those who promote the overthrown of Chinese Communist Party Government in China and outside China, should direct their energy to help China's peaceful transformation instead.

That is my "China's dream" for this century.

Best regards

Dr. Ka Sing Chua
487 Mitcham Rd Mitcham 3132 Victoria, Australia
Tel: 03-98735050 Fax: 03-98743618
www.huaren.org

我的中国梦

历史教导我们一个国家的改革最好是通过和平改革,这就避免了公民之间的武力冲突和内战。在最近的一百多年来,在所有西方 先进文明的国家都出现过这样的情况。这是他们先进于中国和那些所谓的发展中国家. 而那些所谓的发展中国家花费许多时间打仗和相互残杀,而不是致力于发展他们的国家的原因,

我相信中国在当前的领导下能赢得更好的前景,尽管中国体制上尚有不完善之处。澳大利亚联邦已成立113年之久,直到35年前才废除了白澳政策。在35年之 前中国才实行开放政策,中国共产党这个执政党已经改进了自身和中国并使之现代化。它仍然必须有更多的开放、检查、制衡和民主治理,包括开放透明的法治。它 应当允许议会成员有平等的发言权,无论他们是否为共产党或其它民主党派的代表,因为他们是平等的中国公民和国家代表。选举这些代表必须根据他们的才能和品 格,任人唯贤。

中国有希望,不仅是中国公民的希望,也是所有海外华人以及世界人民的希望。在过去35年里中国的发展和成就以及在今后岁 月里更大的成就将确保中国和世界其它地区的和平发展。我们均会受益于中国的和平发展和改革。我劝告那些在中国国内外致力于推翻中国共产党的人士应当把他们 的精力用于帮助中国的和平改革.

这是我在本世纪的中国梦。

致以良好的祝愿。

蔡家声医生

From the Editor

The dispute of Senkaku or Diaoyui islands' ownership between China and Japan is concerning many people in Asia and around the world. On one hand Japan claims that she has the sovereignty over them because they have been under her legal administration since the end of World war 2. While China claims that they belongs to China from the historical perspective. Japan under the Peace Treaty at the end of World War 2, supposed to return the ownership of these islands back to China. But for some unforeseen circumstances, with the eruption of China civil war, China failed to claim them back formally from Japan.

Who actually owns this island is the burning issue.

We hope that it will be resolved one way or the other through peaceful negotiation. Failing that, we suggest that the case be decided in the International Court and tribunal. It is better that way than trying to fight it out militarily. It is not worth having the war to determine the ownership of these islands. As the destruction will be far worse than the benefit for either side. Moreover if a war is declared , its implication will be unmeasurable in term of its influence with the development of China and Japan. Its disastrous effect will not only affect China and Japan but will extend to all Asia countries and the world like Europe and US etc. No one is an island anymore. The war will bring enormous economic disaster, humanity hardship and suffering for many many people, not confined to the Chinese and Japanese.

Cover design for this issue was done by our webmaster James Yin. Thank you James.

Let us hope that the leadership of China and Japan are wiser than that.

Note:
we are looking for a bilangual Editor and Assistant Editor to assist us in compiling our regular Emagazine etc. It is voluntary contribution without monetary remuneration. If you are interested, please contact Dr Ka Sing Chua at contact@huaren.org or kchua@huaren.org

I would like to take this opportunity to again thank my special assistant Dr Yit Seng Yow for patiently help to compile our Emagazine and many other voluntary contributors. Without them, we would not have our regular Emagazine for you to enjoy.

钓鱼岛值得一争,但不值得一战

中国与日本由钓鱼岛引发的争端不断升级,大有一发不可收拾之势,有人说双方非打不可。因为双方继续固守各自的“强硬”立场,如有误判或意气用事,擦枪走火就极有可能。

日本与中国有千丝万缕的文化渊源,难道双方真的不能以文明之理来服人,一定要用“野蛮”的“武力”手段一决高下吗?

依笔者之见,退一步海阔天空,中日要重启理性对话的大门。即便真的谈不下去,也应该考虑让国际法庭来裁决。

如果国与国之间有什么争端不能解决,完全可以提交给国际法庭来和平解决。“法治”胜过“武治”,这应该是每一个有远见的 领导人都知道的道理。我们已经看到,在法治不健全的国家,企图用武力来统治的政权最终都引火自焚。叙利亚就是崇尚“武治”,把一个好好的国家弄得四分五 裂。

一个国家要长治久安,必须以法律来治国而不是以武力来治国,武力只能用来维护真理、惩罚犯罪的人。这是人类历史文明的基石。如果用武力来决定谁对谁错,那么胜者不一定是对的一方,而败者不一定是错的一方。这不但解决不了问题,反而会加深矛盾,搞得两败俱伤,都没有好结果。

中日如果开战,将影响整个亚洲甚至整个世界经济的命脉,世界第二和第三大经济国首当其冲,承受得起吗?

两国如果真的谈不好如何解决钓鱼岛的主权问题,大不了告上国际法庭,各自引经据典辩论公堂,看看最后真理在哪一方,哪一方才是钓鱼岛的真正主人。

我认为,钓鱼岛值得中日在国际公堂联合国主持下力争、理争,但不值得双方为之一战!

Dear Kasing,
This edition of the Huaren magazine is by far the best of any production I have seen globally.
Obviously, the standard of the magazine, as judged by the caliber of the authors and the content, is sophisticated and intellectual, has jumped leaps and bounds.
Please accept my personal congratulations to a publication, now in the leading edge of the Chinese Diaspora. Keep the standard up and keep it coming.
Congratulations, once again and well done.

Dr Anthony Pun,
National President
Cbinese Community Council of Australia.l

Grievance Debate - Chinese Acknowledgement

Chris Hayes MP – Adjournment – Multiculturalism 25 June 2013


The World’s Wartime Debt to China

By RANA MITTER

http://www.nytimes.com/2013/10/18/opinion/the-worlds-wartime-debt-to-china.html?_r=1&

Published: October 17, 2013

OXFORD, England ­ At the same time that China has stated its desire for peace in Asia, the country has been making assertive claims over waters in the East and South China Seas. The confrontational rhetoric suggests, to many observers (and to China’s uneasy neighbors in the Pacific region), a sense of pent-up entitlement, stemming from Beijing’s growing importance in the world.



.

But another, little-remembered factor is also at play: China’s lingering resentment that its contributions to the Allies’ victory against Japan in World War II were never fully recognized and have yet to translate into political capital in the region.

China’s resistance to Japan is one of the great untold stories of World War II. Though China was the first Allied power to fight the Axis, it has received far less credit for its role in the Pacific theater than the United States, Britain or even the Soviet Union, which only joined the war in Asia in August 1945. The Chinese contribution was pushed aside soon after the conflict, as an inconvenient story in the neat ideological narrative of the Cold War.

In the early 20th century China’s growing desire for national sovereignty rubbed up against Japan’s rising imperialism on the Asian mainland. War broke out in earnest in July 1937, and during the eight years that it lasted, both the Nationalist forces of Chiang Kai-shek and, to a lesser extent, the Communist fighters answering to Mao Zedong engaged in extraordinary feats of resistance.

Though far weaker and poorer than the mighty United States or the British Empire, China played a major role in the war. Some 40,000 Chinese soldiers fought in Burma alongside American and British troops in 1944, helping to secure the Stilwell Road linking Lashio to Assam in India. In China itself, they held down some 800,000 Japanese soldiers.

The costs were great. At least 14 million Chinese were killed and some 80 million became refugees over the course of the war. The atrocities were many: the Rape of Nanking, in 1937, is the most notorious, but there were other, equally searing but less well-known, massacres: the bloody capture in 1938 of Xuzhou in the east, which threatened Chiang’s ability to control central China; the 1939 carpet bombing of Chongqing, the temporary capital, which killed more than 4,000 people in two days of air raids that a survivor described as “a sea of fire”; and the “three alls” campaign (“Burn all, loot all, kill all”) of 1941, which devastated the Communist-held areas in the north.

These strains placed immense pressure on what by then was a weak and isolated country. But some of the Chiang government’s policies made matters worse. A decision to seize the peasants’ grain to feed the army exacerbated the 1942 famine in Henan Province. “You could exchange a child for a few steamed rolls,” one government inspector recalled in his memoir. Such missteps made the Nationalist (Kuomintang) government seem corrupt and inefficient, and an embarrassing ally for the United States ­ even though the Nationalists did the vast majority of the fighting against Japan, far more than the Communists.

When the Allies won in 1945, China’s contribution to the victory was rewarded with a permanent seat on the Security Council of the new United Nations, but little more. After a civil war, the Chiang regime fell to the Communists in 1949, and Mao had little reason to recognize its contributions to the defeat of Japan. China’s wartime allies also did little to remind their own people of its role in their victory: The Nationalist regime ­ which fled to exile in Taiwan ­ was an embarrassing relic, and the new Communist regime was a frightening unknown. For the West, China had gone from wartime ally to threatening Communist giant in just a few years.

One major consequence that remains of great relevance today is that the old enemies of Asia never struck a multilateral settlement of the sort that took place in the North Atlantic after 1945, with the formation of NATO and what has become the European Union. The United States’ decision to put China on the sidelines of the postwar world order it dominated has meant that China and Japan never signed a proper peace treaty. And it has meant that for many years Western historians treated China’s role in World War II as a sideshow.

But recently a new political openness within China itself has allowed a different picture of the war years to emerge. Chiang and Mao are long dead, and the Chinese government has been trying to claim a greater international role by reminding the world of the benefits of its past cooperation with the West.

Eager to eventually reunify the mainland with Taiwan, Beijing has also adopted a more favorable attitude toward Chiang’s legacy. Chinese filmmakers and academics now have license to talk more freely about the Nationalists’ wartime contribution, whether in television dramas or scholarly articles. A lengthy and sympathetic biography of Chiang by Yang Tianshi, a historian at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, has been a big seller on the mainland. Chiang’s old wartime villa outside Chongqing has even been restored as a shrine of sorts, with pictures and captions describing him as a patriot who stood firm against the Japanese ­ a rehabilitation of Chiang’s reputation that would have been unimaginable under Mao.

This revision of history has significant consequences for East Asia and Southeast Asia today. If America’s leadership in defeating Japan in 1945 continues to justify a U.S. presence around the Pacific today, Chinese leaders feel, why shouldn’t China’s contribution to the same goal earn it some clout in the region? Beijing is trying to cash in today a geopolitical check Chiang Kai-shek wrote nearly seven decades ago.

Rana Mitter, professor of the history and politics of modern China at Oxford University, is the author of “Forgotten Ally: China’s World War II.”

INTERNATIONAL NEW YORK TIMES


E-Magazine September 2013

E-Magazine January - May 2013

E-Magazine September 2012

E-Magazine May 2012


文明法治的规则

我们人类喜欢声称人类 文明在中国和其它地方已有五千年之久。然而,我们人类的历史向我们表明的并非如此。我们离我们作为一个世界大家庭或在当今21世纪许多国家内可以足以声称我们是文明 的还有一段路要走。当然有时我们能为我们生活在文明社会所达到的成就而引以为豪。然而,最后真正的人类文明仍然在被创造之中。什么时候生活在地球村大家庭中的我们能称我们自己是‘文明’的呢?一个文明的社会或国家应当符合以下基本准则:

  1. 一个社会/国家/世界应由一系列文明法治所支配,由为人民而建立,并由人民建立的属于人民的适当的执法机构 ,而不是为具体的统治集团或独裁者或为满足他们的思想、宗教统治、权力和贪婪而建立。
  2. 在这些文明法治下,他们不应参与任何国内战争或国与国之间的战争。所有的争端不应通过武装暴动或暴力镇压来解决。因此,任何政治集团不应使用合法的军队获取政权或夺权。该政权应当在人民手中,由人民决定,属于人民,并为人民而存在。政权的转换应当通过和平的方式。所有人类的争端必须通过对话、仲裁、公众辩论、讨论和协商的方式解决,如果仍不能解决的话,则应通过有代表性的法庭系统和文明法治规则解决。必须设立一个用于政权转换的选举代表机构和由公民参与作决定的制度。
  3. 在文明社会和国家外,任何国与国之间的争端必须如以上方式通过和平外交代表系统和联合国宪章,国际法庭解决。不得考虑诉诸任何暴力战争解决争端。对于掌权的人,无论权力大小,采用暴力解决争端以符合他们的利益是便利的作法颇具引诱力。必须有文明法治规则能推迟、制止或防止他们企图如此行事。我知道说来容易做时难,但是我们如果具有适当的计划和执法机构便能做到。

令人难过的是看到东西方的从政者企图解释他们采用暴力战争的“功效”以证明其行动是正当的。最近“反恐”战争的例子是至关重要的。从人类文明的角度来说,宾 拉登和美国总统奥巴马均属同一范畴,归入不完美的领袖。我可以提供许多其它的例子来证明我前面的说明是正确的。人类文明仍然在进化形成中,因为我们还在文明法治规则之外相互残杀。

这是一个对于史学家显而易见的例子,但是很多掌权人却不能认识到,因为权力的诱惑太强了!很不幸的是我们必须反复指出人类的软弱性和他们的失败。在阿富汗、伊拉克、利比亚、中东、柬埔寨、和泰国等互相残杀都不能根本解决问题。同样,杀了宾 拉登或总统布什也不会解决宗教和不同思想意识之间的争端。它只能极化和恶化事态。上个月我访问了柬埔寨杀人现场和‘博物馆’。确实波尔波特政权应对杀人负责,但是它的根源在于印支战争中所造成在印支地区不稳定的政治局势。这最终导致产生杀人场所,不仅在柬埔寨有,在越南、老挝、北朝鲜、和中国等都存在。最终的分析归结为政治领袖的无知,他们下令轰炸和杀人导致成千上万的生命丧失,损坏无数的基础设施和制造了在世界各处颠沛流离的数百万难民极端的痛苦。我们称自己为‘文明’人类应当引以为耻。因此我认为:建立一个将给予我们所有的人,而不仅仅给予我们中的某些人,真正的人类文明,在此文明中创造平等、博爱、自由、公正和对人类幸福的追求,距此目标我们仍然有一段路要走。

我们‘文明’的民众对奥巴马和许多其他世界性的领袖在他们掌权后抱有很多希望,因为他们声称他们希望给他们的人民、社会、国家和他们的地球村大家庭带来和平、繁荣、公正、平等和和谐。我们仍然在等待,我希望我们无须再等待另外的5000年了。1215Magna Carta大宪章的精神为在西方社会的文明法治规则设定了节奏。在中国,孔子和其他哲学家已经在很久以前就如此行了。在此之后,在世界的某些地区,我们在人类‘文明’方面已经取得了巨大的成就和进展,这些地区具有相对的和平、稳定、繁荣、公正、平等与和谐。它证明我们有知识可以如此做到。然而,我们的政治领袖仍然缺乏勇气履行会领导我们达到一个真正的‘文明社会和地球村大家庭’我们认识该作的事情。我们具有我们人类经验的综合性智慧以及引领我们的知识,例如美国独立宣言、联合国人权宣言和义务以及孔子的大同篇,综合的人类哲学以及基督教、伊斯兰教和佛教等的智慧。

我要对我们的政治领袖提出一个挑战:对美国总统奥巴马、中国的胡錦涛主席、俄罗斯总统梅德韦杰夫、印度总理辛格博士、联合国秘书长潘基文、欧盟主席及其领导人、澳大利亚、日本、朝鲜和东盟领导人和其他称职的政治领袖努力思考如何在他们的国家和地球村建立一个真正的没有战争和难民的文明社会—这是颇具挑战意义的。待到你们能够达到此文明治国的目标,我则无须多言了!过去的已成过去,无法挽回。然而将来仍然在我们手中。

在此我衷心对所有现代战争中的受害者和等待获救的难民们致以最良好的祝愿。

主席 蔡家声

www.huaren.org


Ka Sing,

Thanks so much for signing our card to UN peacekeepers!

These brave men and women literally risk everything to make our world a safer place, so we want to make sure they know they're appreciated. That's why we've set a goal of getting 30,000 people to sign their thank you card – but we need your help to make it happen.

Please forward this email to your friends and family, and ask them to join you in signing our thank you card to UN peacekeepers.

Thanks again!

The Better World Campaign


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